El Salvador's Elections: The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly

As the dust settles on El Salvador's February 4 elections, the landslide reelection of President Nayib Bukele tells only part of the story. Amid Bukele's dominating 85% electoral sweep, a parallel narrative unfolded—one that could redefine the Salvadoran electoral landscape for generations. These elections didn't just test the popularity of a president; they put El Salvador's ambitious drive to modernize its voting system under the microscope.

The implementation of new voting technology in the election brought positive lessons, faced tribulations, and experienced turmoil. This analysis reviews the highs and lows encountered in streamlining the country's electoral process.

The Good:

One of the most laudable achievements of the 2022 general elections in El Salvador was the significant strides made in enfranchising the Salvadoran diaspora. Approximately 1.6 million Salvadorans, about 25% of all registered voters, reside abroad and were given the unprecedented opportunity to vote in this election.

The passage of the Special Law for the Exercise of Suffrage Abroad in 2022 was a major milestone. It mandated both internet-based remote voting and in-person electronic voting systems to assure that Salvadorans living outside the country could cast their ballots freely, equally, transparently, and confidentially.

The implementation of these systems appears to have been largely successful, enabling broader participation of expatriate Salvadorans in the democratic process.

The Bad:

Despite these advances, the participation of Salvadorans living abroad was not without its setbacks. In certain instances, polling centers overseas closed prematurely, leaving some voters disenfranchised. According to some official explanations, the provider hired to offer end-to-end services, from online voting to the setting and allocation of vote centers, did not consider the possibility of extending voting hours, a necessity in elections. Those vote centers located in private buildings were not allowed to stay open.

While initial reactions from the authorities suggested that additional voting opportunities might be scheduled to rectify this issue, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) ultimately reversed its decision and announced that there would be no extra day of voting. Attorney General Rodolfo Delgado issued a statement, ensuring the public that anyone obstructing the electoral process would be held accountable.

The Ugly:

Perhaps the most disheartening aspect of the election was issues regarding the preliminary results system managed by the TSE itself. On election night, counts from only 31% of polling stations were reported. By Monday morning, figures had only reached 70.25% for the presidential election and a mere 5.06% for legislative positions. The TSE ordered manual vote tallying overnight and later instructed electoral bodies, with urgency, to return original records and election packages.

Poll workers' criticisms included reports of vote duplication or even triplication when processed records were entered into the TSE system. These irregularities were particularly noted during legislative vote scrutiny, raising concerns among voters about the integrity of the electoral process.

The delay in the announcement of election outcomes led an impatient President Bukele to prematurely announce his victory on social media, an action that breached election protocols. Had his advantage in the vote count been less substantial, it is likely that authorities and the public would have been less inclined to accept his early self-declaration of victory.

In conclusion, considering the difficulties encountered, it becomes imperative for the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) to carefully engage expert vendors with established expertise in managing preliminary election results. Outsourcing this critical aspect to such entities, which usually invest many more resources in developing election solutions, is a practice that typically yields better outcomes than risking the substantial investment and inherent challenges associated with in-house development of these complex technologies. This strategic approach by the TSE would be pivotal.

Spanish tech firm embroiled in Colombian election mess

 

Spanish technology company Indra finds itself in the center of controversy after being involved in the recent Colombian legislative election where a difference of 7% was found between the preliminary count and the final count of the votes.

In the final count announced by the Registrar five days after the election, more than 400,000 new votes were found in favor of Historic Pact, the party of the candidate Gustavo Petro. The discrepancy resulted in the party going from from 16 to 19 senators to the detriment of the Conservative Party, the Green Alliance, and the Democratic Center, which lost one senator each.

The usual difference in most Latin American countries that have preliminary results systems ranges from 0.5% to 1%. In Colombia, the difference between the two counts had never been greater than 1%.

The unusual discrepancy in the results comes as the South American country is gripped by political tension and is feared to erode perceived electoral integrity, an ominous development ahead of the looming presidential elections.

In these cases, international election watchdogs advise electoral officials to declare as clearly and precisely as possible the origin of these discrepancies, in order to ensure that public confidence in the system is maintained. Contrary to this, the Colombian Registry has not given clear answers. Currently the Registrar is being harshly questioned by various political sectors that demand answers, including Senator María Fernanda Cabal, and former President Andrés Pastrana.

Suspicions stemmed from the questionable hiring of Indra on December 29, 2021, while the country was on a break for the holidays. In a bidding process that the Registrar's Office had initially declared void, Indra competed with itself and received the contract to oversee the preliminary counting software at the national level.

Questions deepened after Gustavo Petro and two senior Indra officials had a meeting in Madrid, presumably brokered registrar Alexander Vega. The clandestine meeting was exposed by former president Andrés Pastrana, who filed a disciplinary complaint with the Attorney General's Office against the registrar.

Today, just two months before the presidential elections, Colombia is facing a clamor for a total recount of votes by different political forces and demands for Alexander Vega to resign due to the irregular handling of contracts in the Registry.

Election experts fear this to be the worst legitimacy crises in the electoral process in decades and a stinging reminder of the need for the country to get serious in modernizing its electoral process. With the use of a modern and efficient voting system, Colombia could put an end to the decades-old problem of results manipulation as well as any problems related to ambiguous ballot markings.